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United Nations: Reforms and Finances (last updated February 9, 2002) (back to top)

Since the end of the Cold War, the United Nations has become a more active player on the world stage, getting involved in conflicts such as the fall of Yugoslavia and Rwanda. As of January 2002, the UN maintained 15 peacekeeping operations worldwide, the largest being those in Sierra Leone, East Timor, the Democratic Republic of Congo, and Kosovo.

At the same time, the UN has also seen its relationship with the United States, its largest single contributor and debtor, become more complicated and confrontational, most visibly in the area of finances. In recent years, the United States has withheld contributions to the UN's budget in order to force organizational reforms, changes in how the United States' share of the UN's budget is calculated, and to prevent the funding of groups that encourage or conduct abortions.

The UN system is composed of several different bodies, programs and agencies. The entire system expended about $10 billion in 1997, but its most controversial aspects are the UN's regular and peacekeeping budgets. The UN regular budget (about $1.25 billion in 2000) and the UN peacekeeping budget (about $1.8 billion in 2000 after peaking at about $3.4 billion in 1994) are funded by regular assessments of member states. The UN is particularly dependent on member states, since it has no reserves, capital, or borrowing powers.

Like all other members, the United States is assessed a share of the UN's regular budget and a share of its peacekeeping operations. As the country with the largest share of the world's economy, the United States has been assessed the highest share of any country, but these rates have dropped due to recent reforms; the regular budget assessment was previously 25 percent but dropped to 22 percent in 2001, and the peacekeeping assessment was previously around 31 percent but will drop to about 25 percent by 2004. The next largest contributors to the regular UN budget are Japan (about 20 percent), Germany (about 9.5 percent), France (about 6 percent), the United Kingdom (about 5.5 percent) and Italy (about 5 percent).

Such changes in assessment rates were the result of several years of fighting between the Clinton administration and conservative Republicans, particularly Senator Jesse Helms (R-North Carolina), and then negotiations between Ambassador Richard Holbrooke and other UN member states. The debate also involved the United States' non-payment of assessed dues, a debt that began during the Reagan administration in the mid-1980s over policy differences and has continued ever since.

By September 2000, the United States was still the UN's largest debtor, owing $1.9 billion ($430 million for the regular budget, and $1.5 billion for peacekeeping and international tribunals) for past and current assessments, two-thirds of the total due. Such an amount is about one one-thousandth of the United State's total federal budget, which in 2000 was about $2 trillion, with far more spent on defense spending ($295 billion) and on net interest payments ($223 billion) (for more on the federal budget, go here).

Agreements between the Clinton administration and Congress in the late 1990s to pay back dues fell apart year after year over a side issue, namely, a provision that would have barred the use of federal funds by the State Department's Agency for International Development to support overseas abortion services. Finally, in November 1999, when the United States was on the verge of losing its vote in the General Assembly due to non-payment, the United States enacted the "Helms-Biden" legislation that authorized the staggered payment of nearly one billion in arrears if certain reforms were made, primarily the lowering of the United States' assessment rates, as well as assurances that the United Nations would not violate US sovereignty or establish its own army. The Clinton administration also agreed to limit the amount of money that USAID would distribute to abortion groups at 4 percent.

To the surprise of many, Holbrooke did manage to implement the required changes in assessment rates before leaving office in January 2001. CNN founder Ted Turner helped this effort by personally covering the difference between the United States' old and new assessments in the transitional year. Turner has been one of the UN's biggest supporters, previously pledging in September 1997 to donate $1 billion over 10 years to benefit UN agencies.

The UN is also implementing other changes to its budgeting process as part of UN Secretary General Kofi Annan's reform program, which he proposed in July 1997 and which won approval from the General Assembly later that year. Under this program, Annan has restructured UN leadership to be more unified and focused, is developing a performance-based human capital system, and is introducing new processes to manage program performance. In May 2000, the United States' General Accounting Office reported that many -- but not all -- reforms had been implemented, and credited the reforms with enabling a quick response by the UN to a crisis in East Timor.

With the reduction in assessment rates, the reform measures implemented by Annan, and the post-September 11 international climate, the United States has made several payments of its arrears. In late 2001, the United States paid $625 million in October and another $475 million in November, though it still owed the UN $1.069 billion as of November 2001 ($265 million for the regular budget, $789 million for peacekeeping, and $14.6 million for international tribunals).

Sources: The United Nations is on-line here, and an October 2000 statement on its finances is available here. The Global Policy Forum provides detailed analysis of the UN's finances and system, and its data was used to create the charts above; the Global Policy Forum is on-line here. General Accounting Office, United Nations: Reform Initiatives have strengthened operations, but overall objections have not yet been achieved, GAO/NSIAD-00-150 (May 2000). Senate Committee on Foreign Relations hearing, A Report on the United Nations Reforms, January 9, 2001. Anthony McDermott, The New Politics of Financing the UN (St. Martin's Press, Inc., 2000).


North Atlantic Treaty Organization (last updated May 14, 2002) (back to top)

Created by the signing of the North Atlantic Treaty in 1949, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization is an alliance committed to the collective defense of its member countries in Europe and North America. In the 1990s, it has also taken a more active role ensuring stability through Europe, as seen by its actions responding to the 1999 crisis in Kosovo.

There were originally 10 European and two North American countries in NATO. Between 1952 and 1982, four more European nations joined the alliance. In 1999, three more countries joined, bringing the number to 19. Nine countries in Eastern Europe expressed interest in joining NATO in 1999, and were participating as of 2000 in NATO's Member Action Plan, which helps would-be member countries prepare for membership.

NATO's original 12 member countries were Belgium, Canada, Denmark, France, Iceland, Italy, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Norway, Portugal, the United Kingdom, and the United States. Greece and Turkey joined in 1952, Germany in 1955, and Spain in 1982. The Czech Republic, Hungary, and Poland all joined together in 1999.

Beginning in the early 1990s, Russia and the Ukraine have become involved with NATO and cooperated with them on several security-related programs, though neither country is actually a member of NATO. Russia suspended its participation in some of these programs for a year in protest over NATO's military involvement in Kosovo, but has strengthened its ties with NATO since then. On May 14, 2002, NATO and Russia formed the NATO-Russia Permanent Joint Council, a body where the NATO members and Russia will work as equal partners in areas of common interest.

Sources: NATO is on-line here. A May 14, 2002 press release on the first meeting of the NATO-Russia Permanent Joint Council is on-line here.


World Trade Organization (last updated: July 14, 2001) (back to top)

To some, it is an international organization that promotes free trade and settles disputes between nations. To others, it is the most visible component of a conspiracy to undermine United States sovereignty, environmental protections, and/or development in the Third World.

The conflict between these different views came to a head in Seattle in December 1999, when the member countries of the World Trade Organization met in an attempt to lay the groundwork for a new round of trade negotiations dealing especially with the politically difficult issue of agriculture. Protesters with different agendas but one common enemy took over the city, leading Seattle's mayor to declare a state of civil emergency, and the WTO talks ultimately collapsed without agreement on major issues.

Founded on January 1, 1995, the World Trade Organization is the outgrowth of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), an international agreement that reduced participating countries' tariffs and set rules for trade. The original GATT was negotiated by 23 countries in 1946 and took effect in 1948. Countries then took part in seven more rounds of multilateral negotiations, using the multilateral setting to achieve and package tariff reductions that might have been impossible otherwise. These rounds grew in size, scope and length; the last round, the Uruguay Round, involved 123 countries, covered trade from toothpaste and genetic structures to telecommunications, and lasted seven and a half years from 1986 to 1994.

Even broader in scope and has more formal mechanisms to create rules and resolve disputes, the WTO is an official organization that implements and enforces the GATT and other agreements. Whereas the GATT dealt mostly with goods, the WTO also covers services and traded intellectual property consisting of inventions, creations and designs. Under WTO agreements, countries cannot normally discriminate against trading partners. Countries must treat all partners as "most favored" trading partners, meaning that if a country offers a trade benefit to one trading partner it must offer it to all other "most favored" partners.

Perhaps the most controversial aspect of the WTO, at least from some critics' perspective, is its dispute-settling mechanism. As members of the WTO, countries agree to settle trade disputes through the WTO's court-like resolution process instead of taking action unilaterally. Effectively, countries accuse another for having protective or discriminatory policies, and if successful in their complaint, the other country must change its policy accordingly.

This becomes controversial because countries have different environmental and labor standards, and laws or rules promulgated for reasons not necessarily related to trade can be struck down in the name of free trade.

Two cases in particular have caught attention in the United States. In both cases, pro-environment laws or rules were struck down as anti-trade by the WTO.

In 1991, the WTO struck down a provision of the US Marine Mammal Protection Act that was designed to protect dolphins from tuna-fishing operations (dolphins are trapped in nets designed to catch yellowfish tuna unless the nets are specially designed to be "dolphin-safe"). Under the act, if a country exporting tuna to the United States could not prove that it met the US's dolphin-protection standards, then the US government would embargo all imports of fish from that country. The WTO ruled that the US could not ban imports simply because an exporting country had different policies; holding otherwise would allow countries to impose trade restrictions unilaterally.

A few years later, Venezuela (and later Brazil) complained that the United States was applying rules that discriminated against gasoline imports. The US's Environmental Protection Agency had implemented a rule in 1993 that requires gasoline refineries to make cleaner gas; refineries were judged based on past performance and when past performance could not be determined, they were judged on 1990 data for all oil refineries. In May 1996, the WTO ruled that the US rule was discriminatory and did not fall within certain exceptions for environmental reasons. The United States adopted a new rule in 1997.

These and other rulings do not necessarily mean that the WTO is anti-environment or anti-labor, but it does mean that pro-environment policies in the United States have to be designed in ways that do not overly discriminate against other countries. In the dolphin case, for example, the WTO upheld other provisions that required tuna products to meet certain standards before being labeled "dolphin-safe," thus allowing for a consumer-based approach that could accomplish the same goals more indirectly.

Beyond dispute-settling, WTO decisions are made by the membership as a whole through ministers or officials. The WTO does not delegate power to a board of directors and reaches decisions generally through consensus and also by a majority vote based on a "one country, one vote" principle that gives the United States, France, and Zimbabwe equal voting rights. Within the WTO, some countries have formed formal alliances to have a more consistent and powerful position. Most prominent are the European Union (also known as the European Communities) and the Association of South East Asian Nations; some countries have also formed the Cairns Group to promote greater liberalization of agriculture policy.

The WTO currently has more than 130 members. In order to join, countries have to make commitments to open their markets and abide by the WTO's rules and must negotiate with certain member countries such as the United States.

That more than 30 other countries (including China, Saudi Arabia, and Ethiopia) are currently negotiating for membership says something about the benefits of WTO membership. WTO proponents say that developing countries benefit by having rights and obligations due to their participation; the alternative would be trying to form relations individually with much more powerful countries. Also, WTO proponents say that developing countries can take advantage of the obligations by using them as cover for imposing changes that may be unpopular and politically risky in the short-term.

Sources: The World Trade Organization is on-line here. Paul R. Krugman and Maurice Obstfeld, International Economics: Theory and Policy (Fifth Edition) (Addison-Wesley, 2000). Stephen Dunphy, WTO talks collapse; no accord reached, Seattle Times, December 4, 1999. The Seattle Times' coverage of the December 1999 WTO protests is available on-line here; The Seattle Post-Intelligencer's is available here.


International Criminal Court, war crimes (last updated April 11, 2002) (back to top)

Despite the opposition of the United States, the treaty creating the International Criminal Court will take effect July 1, 2002, having received sufficient international support. The ICC will have jurisdiction over war crimes committed by individuals in participating countries, and thus provide a permanent enforcement system for enforcing international norms and holding individual violators responsible.

In the wake of the First World War, nations began to prohibit certain methods and ways of conducting warfare through treaties and conventions. In 1948, the United Nations adopted a convention defining genocide as a crime under international law that must be prevented and punished.

However, these laws, conventions and protocols lacked a regular system for their enforcement and for holding individual violators responsible. War crimes have been prosecuted internationally only through specifically convened mechanisms, such as the Nuremberg and Tokyo trials after World War II, and the international criminal tribunals for the former Yugoslavia and for Rwanda, which were created by the United Nations Security Council on an ad hoc basis and are still in place today (for more on the prosecution of former Serbia leader Slobodan Milosevic, go here).

On July 17, 1998, 160 nations passed the Rome Statute on the Internal Criminal Court, thus beginning the process towards establishing a permanent international court where individuals "without any distinction based on official capacity" could be prosecuted for the following four broad crimes:

  • Genocide, defined as certain acts "committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group."

  • Crimes against humanity, defined as acts such as murder, enslavement, and rape when "committed as part of a widespread or systematic attack directed against any civilian population, with knowledge of the attack."

  • War crimes, defined as "grave breaches" of the Geneva Conventions of 1949 or of international norms "as part of a plan or policy or as part of a large-scale commission of such crimes. The Geneva Convention of 1949 prohibited acts such as torture and certain treatments of prisoners of war. International norms are defined to bar such acts as intentional attacks on civilians, intentional attacks made "in the knowledge that such attack will cause incidental loss of life or injury to civilians," "declaring that no quarter will be given," deliberately causing starvation of civilians, and using certain kinds of weapons.

  • Aggression, which went undefined as of July 1998 and is to be defined later.

As defined by the Statute, the International Criminal Court (ICC) would have jurisdiction over individuals and crimes only in those states that have ratified the Statute via their legislatures (see Article 12 and 13) , and only if the relevant state has been found to be unwilling or unable to exercise jurisdiction itself and if the alleged crimes are of "sufficient gravity" (see Article 17). The ICC would also only have jurisdiction over crimes committed after the relevant state ratified the Statute. Specific elements of the crimes, such as the level of intent required for liability, are to be decided later (see Article 9).

The ICC Statute would provide several political and administrative checks. The ICC's prosecutor would be able to initiate investigations, but could commence cases only with approval by a pre-trial chamber of judges. Investigations or prosecutions could also be delayed for a year if the Security Council passed such a resolution.

The Statute was approved in a vote by 120 nations and opposed by seven states (including the United States, China, and Israel), with 21 abstentions. The United States said that its principal objection was over the proposed court's jurisdiction and its application to individuals. China said that there should be more checks on prosecutorial initiative. Israel opposed a provision including the transfer of populations into occupied territory as a war crime, Article 8(2)(b)(viii).

Despite the 1998 signing, the Statute would not become effective until 60 nations ratified it. The final required ratifications were submitted on April 11, 2002, thus allowing the ICC to be established as of July 2002.

The biggest sticking point for the United States is whether the ICC could prosecute United States soldiers for war crimes. President Bill Clinton signed the treaty on December 31, 2000, shortly before leaving office, but the treaty must be ratified by the Senate before the United States is deemed to be subject to it. President George W. Bush has repeatedly said he opposes the ICC treaty and has concerns over subjecting U.S. citizens and officials to the jurisdiction of an international court.

Because the ICC's jurisdiction is limited only to those cases in which a defendant had not been prosecuted by his own country's courts, or when such prosecutions were a sham (see Article 20: Ne bis in idem), the ICC can be seen mostly as a back-up device to encourage states to prosecute their own and thus avoid ICC involvement. However, the most famous war crime in United States history - the massacre of about 400 Vietnamese civilians in the village of My Thai on March 16, 1968 - shows that the possibility of ICC jurisdiction over United States soldiers is a real one. The United States does have its own systems for prosecuting alleged war criminals, but could very well come into conflict with the ICC over whether it has done enough.

Only four participants in the My Thai massacre were ever brought to trial, and only one, Lieutenant William Calley, was convicted and then sentenced to life imprisonment. By the time Calley was convicted, however, he had gained vocal support from the military, and President Richard Nixon quickly moved Calley from prison and into house arrest while awaiting consideration of his appeal. By 1974, Calley was a free man.

Had the ICC been in existence in 1968 and had the United States been a member, Calley arguably would have been immune from ICC prosecution because he had been prosecuted and convicted in the United States. Other participants, however, probably would have been subject to investigation and prosecution by the ICC unless the United States did more at the time.

Sources: The United Nations maintains a website for the International Criminal Court, available here; the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court can be found there in various languages. Adam Roberts and Richard Guelff, Documents on the Laws of War (Oxford University Press, Third Edition, 2000). Michael Walzer, Just and Unjust Wars (Basic Books, 1977). Michael Bilton and Kevin Sim, Four Hours in My Lai (Viking Penguin, 1992).


Land Mines (last updated March 27, 2002) (back to top)

An international campaign to stop the use of anti-personnel landmines culminated with the Mine Ban Treaty that was signed by 120 nations in Ottawa in 1997. The United States refused to sign the treaty at the time because there was no exemption for using landmines to defend South Korea. Nonetheless, the United States has funded international demining operations in countries such as Afghanistan since 1988, and it has been destroying all of its non-self-destructing anti-personnel landmines except in South Korea and for training and research.

Landmines are explosive devices that are designed to detonate by the presence or contact of either a person (anti-personnel mines) or by a vehicle such as a tank, truck or tractor (anti-tank or anti-vehicle mines). Some mines are designed to self-destruct or self-deactivate after a set period of time (these are sometimes called "smart" mines); the United States maintains stockpiles of both "smart" and non-self-destructing landmines, but it has promised to destroy all non-self-destructing landmines except those for use in South Korea and for research and training.

Aside from the ethical and strategic considerations in using landmines in war, landmines pose a severe problem to civilians even after war has ended. Civilians in heavily mined areas can be injured or killed by landmines, and heavily mined areas are thus unavailable for agricultural use until they can be demined.

There are an estimated 50 to 100 million landmines laid in the world, primarily located in developing countries such as Afghanistan, Vietnam, Egypt, and Mozambique. According to estimates by the Landmine Monitor, there are now about 15,000 to 20,000 new victims (either injured or killed) by landmines a year, a decline from earlier, long-standing estimates of 26,000 casualties a year. The following table, based on the State Department's "Hidden Killers 2001" report, shows countries which had the highest reported number of casualties due to landmines in 2000.

In the early 1990s, several nongovernmental organizations such as Human Rights Watch and Physicians for Human Rights came together to form the International Campaign to Ban Landmines (ICBL), which now consists of more than 1,000 groups in more than 60 countries. The ICBL and its coordinator Jody Williams are widely credited with starting the fast-track diplomatic process that culminated with the Mine Ban Treaty that was negotiated in September 1997 and signed by 120 nations in December 1997. The treaty entered into force on March 1, 1999. For their efforts, the ICBL and Williams received the Nobel Peace Prize in October 1997.

Under the treaty, participating countries vow never to use or produce anti-personnel landmines and to destroy all anti-personnel mines. They also vow to help care for victims of landmines. By 2000, every country in the Western Hemisphere has signed except for the United States and Cuba. Other countries that have not signed the treaty include China, Russia, India, and Israel.

Even though the United States did not sign the Mine Ban Treaty, the Clinton administration actively encouraged the creation of an international agreement. In May 1996, President Bill Clinton announced a major shift in U.S. anti-personnel landmine policy.

First, Clinton announced that the United States would seek actively an international agreement to ban anti-personnel landmines, but that it would not give up the option to use anti-personnel landmines on the Korean peninsula. During the September 1997 negotiations over the Mine Ban Treaty, the United States proposed including such an exemption for South Korea, but this proposal was rejected.

Whether landmines are truly necessary for defending Korea has been questioned by some, such as the Vietnam Veterans of America Foundation. In addition, six retired US generals and two admirals wrote President George W. Bush a letter in May 2001 arguing that anti-personnel mines are not critical to Korean security.

Second, Clinton also announced in May 1996 that the United States would cease the use of all non-self-destructive landmines except in South Korea and for training purposes. At the time, the United States used non-self-destructive landmines only in South Korea and the U.S. Naval Base at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba. By the late 1990s, the United States reported that it had destroyed all non-self-destructive landmines except for defending South Korea, research, and training. It still maintains stockpiles of "smart" landmines in several countries.

Even though the promise had little real force, Clinton moved in 1998 somewhat towards signing the Mine Ban Treaty. In May 1998, Clinton promised that the United States would end the use of all non-self-destructing anti-personnel landmines outside Korea by 2003 and that it would sign the Mine Ban Treaty by 2006, if alternative weapons were developed by that time. This policy is being reviewed by the Bush administration.

Even without signing the Mine Ban Treaty, the United States has worked with other nations on efforts to amend the Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons. It has also taken unilateral actions against landmines since the early 1990s. The United States banned the export of anti-personnel landmines in October 1992, though the ban expires in 2003, and has not produced any anti-personnel landmines since 1996.

The United States has also been involved with demining operations since 1988, when it helped start efforts in Afghanistan. The United States then established other programs in the early 1990s and has spent more than $500 million on demining efforts from 1993 to 2000.

Sources: The International Campaign to Ban Landmines is on-line with detailed information about the Mine Ban Treaty here; the ICBL publishes the widely respected Landmine Monitor, and its 2001 report on the United States is on-line here. The Office of Humanitarian Demining Programs, which is part of the State Department's Bureau of Political-Military Affairs and which now coordinates the United States' demining efforts, is on-line here; its 2001 report "To Walk the Earth in Safety" contains the "Hidden Killers 2001" report as an appendix and is on-line here. A May 1997 report by the Office of the Under Secretary of Defense for Policy on implementing the U.S. policy on anti-personnel landmines is on-line here. The United Nations organizes disarmament issues on-line here. Information on the Nobel Peace Prize is on-line here. Anthony DePalma, As U.S. looks on, 120 nations sign treaty banning land mines, New York Times, December 4, 1997. Steven Lee Myers, Clinton agrees to land-mine ban, but not yet, New York Times, May 22, 1998.


The Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (Last updated: 6/13/01) (back to top)

The United States conducted the first-ever test of a nuclear weapon in July 1945. Less than a year later, the Acheson-Lilenthal report recommended the creation of an international authority to control nuclear weapons and to use inspections to contain them. In the decades since then, countries have negotiated over and considered various treaties to limit the spread of nuclear weapons.

On an international level, countries finally completed the negotiations of the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty in 1996 and made it available for signing beginning September 24, 1996. President Bill Clinton signed for the United States that very day, as did the representatives of 69 other countries.

That signing ended just the first of three phases before the treaty is fully effective. The CTBT is now in the two-part preparatory phase. First, participating countries build an international monitoring and verification regime through sensor stations that will monitor the environment through four methods (seismic, hydroacoustic, infrasound, and radionuclide) to ensure that no one is violating the treaty; the United States conducts its monitoring through the Department of Energy's Nuclear Explosion Monitoring Research & Engineering program (NEMRE).

Second, signatory states must ratify the treaty; this is where the United States and many other countries have stalled. The Senate, which is the only body constitutionally authorized to ratify treaties signed by the president, voted down ratification on October 13, 1999 with a 51-48 vote (2/3 vote is required to pass). Some of the opposition to the CTBT is a response to tests by countries such as India and Pakistan, which conducted tests in 1999. As of June 2001, only 76 states have ratified the treaty. President George W. Bush reportedly is willing to let the treaty continue to stall and has no plans to push for another ratification vote.

Once the verification regime has been established and assuming the CTBT is eventually ratified by the necessary countries, which does include the United States, then the world moves into Entry-into-Force phase. The CTBT allows countries to sanction states that violate the treaty but in vague terms.

Even though the Senate did not ratify the CTBT, some have argued that its general policy of preventing countries from nuclear testing does still bind the United States until the United States makes clear its specific intent to no longer become a party to the treaty. In any case, regardless of how binding the CTBT may be, the United States has not tested a nuclear weapon since the fall of 1992, when Congress initiated a short-term moratorium. President Clinton extended the moratorium while in office and re-affirmed commitment to it after the Senate vote, and Bush has so far continued the moratorium into his administration.

Sources: The Department of Energy's Nuclear Explosion Monitoring Research & Engineering Program. The Bulletin of Atomic Scientists. The Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty Organization's Preparatory Commission.


Foreign Aid (last updated January 7, 2003) (back to top)

The United States has long given money to assist the development of smaller countries as well as to achieve its own foreign policy objectives. In 2001, the United States spent roughly $11 billion on foreign aid specifically contributing to the development of smaller countries (commonly known as official development assistance, or ODA), less than 1 percent of its annual total budget and about 1/30th of the United States' annual defense spending.

Nevertheless, polls show that the American public greatly overestimates how much is currently spent on such development assistance and would support larger amounts than is actually spent. For example, a poll conducted by the Program on International Policy Attitudes (PIPA) in 2000 found that the mean estimate for how much of the federal budget was spent on foreign aid was 20 percent and the mean estimate for what people thought more appropriate was 10 percent.

President George W. Bush has proposed a measure which would increase the amount of U.S.-funded development assistance by 50 percent over three years, resulting in an annual increase of $5 billion by 2006, and would tie aid allocation to successful efforts to reduce poverty and improve economic growth. Bush has described such development assistance as not only moral, but also as a measure to ensure international security; his proposal to increase development is part of his administration's National Security Strategy, which was published in September 2002.

The United States began giving foreign aid with the Marshall Plan to rebuild Europe after World War II and to combat the spread of communism, and the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 then turned the focus of aid more towards less-developed countries. The level of overall aid has generally declined over the years, falling as a share of the United States' gross national income from 2 percent during the Marshall Plan to roughly 0.1 percent today.

Allocation of U.S. Development Assistance and Other Kinds of Foreign Aid

Development assistance from the United States is delivered through about 50 different U.S. agencies and bodies, including the US Agency for International Development (USAID), the Peace Corps, and various offices within Cabinet-level departments. The United States also contributes to multinational efforts such as the World Bank, the United Nations Development Program, and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees.

All told, the United States gave about $9.8 billion in 2000 (in 1999 dollars) for official development assistance, according to statistics from the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development's (OECD) Development Assistance Committee (DAC). Of this amount, $8.1 billion went to other countries ($1.1 billion for disaster relief, $4.2 billion for technical cooperation, and $0.895 billion for food aid) and $2.5 billion went to multinational agencies and banks. Of individual countries in 2000-01, Egypt received the most development assistance from the United States (about 7.0 percent of total ODA), followed by Pakistan (3.8 percent), Colombia (2.0 percent), Yugoslavia (1.4 percent), Peru (1.4 percent), and Indonesia (1.4 percent).

Development assistance is just one kind of foreign aid delivered by the United States. USAID, for example, is the United States' lead agency for development assistance and manages its primary international food-relief program, but USAID actually allocates roughly half its funds each year to promote stability in the Middle East and to assist the transitional efforts in the former Soviet Union and in Eastern Europe. USAID's $6.97 billion budget in 2002 was allocated among the following broad programs as follows :

  • Development assistance ($2.5 billion in 2002). Funds here promote economic growth, agriculture, health, and democracy and humanitarian concerns. Countries receiving the most funds in 2002 here were Indoenisa ($74 million), India ($70 million), Uganda ($57 million), Bangladesh ($62 million), El Salvador ($60 million), Nigeria ($56 million), and South Africa (54 million).

  • Economic Support Fund ($2.2 billion in 2002). Used largely to support Middle East stability as well as peace between Israel ($720 million) and its neighbors such as Egypt ($655 million) and Jordan ($150 million). Also used for trouble spots including Indonesia ($50 million), Haiti ($30 million), and Ireland ($25 million).

  • Assistance for Eastern Europe, the Baltic States, and the former Soviet Union ($1.4 billion in 2002).

  • P.L. 480 Title II Programs (programs to enhance food security and combat malnutrition) ($0.85 billion in 2002). The biggest recipients in 2002 were India ($86 million), Afghanistan ($40 million), and Peru ($31 million). Ethiopia received $140 million in 2000 and $103 million in 2001, but only $13 million in 2002.

  • Operating expenses ($0.56 billion in 2002).

  • International disaster assistance ($0.24 billion in 2002).

Indeed, Israel and Egypt by far received the greatest amounts of USAID's foreign aid in 2002, with these two countries ($720 million and $655 million) receiving more through the Economic Support Fund than all of Africa did through all of USAID's development assistance and food-security programs ($1.1 billion total). Other large USAID recipients in 2002 include Russia ($157 million), the Ukraine ($154 million), India ($164 million), and Indonesia ($129 million).

The following table shows a sample of countries that have received large amounts of aid from USAID from 2000 to 2002. Afghanistan is also included due to the attention given that country since the September 11, 2001 attacks.

  2000 2001 2002 Total
(2000-02)
  Afghanistan $14 m $29 m $69 m $112 m
  Egypt $728 m $694 m $655 m $2,077 m
  Ethiopia $180 m $144 m $59 m $382 m
  India $168 m $136 m $164 m $469 m
  Israel $949 m $838 m $720 m $2,507 m
  Peru $84 m $84 m $86 m $254 m
  Russia $193 m $163 m $158 m $514 m

International Comparisons

Compared to other donor countries, the United States gave the largest amount of development assistance in 2001, and was second only to Japan in previous years. Nonetheless, the United States gives the lowest amount relative to the size of its economy; while other donor countries give an average of roughly 0.40% of their gross national income, the United States gave 0.11 percent of its GNI and has not given amounts greater than 0.40% of GNI since the 1960s. Denmark, by contrast, in 2001 gave 1.03 percent of its gross national income in aid, almost ten times what the United States gives (0.11 percent of GNI), and gave 309 per capita, almost ten times what the United States gives on a per capita basis.

  In Billions of U.S. Dollars (2000) As % of Gross National Income Per Capita
  Denmark $1.664 1.03% $309
  France $4.105 0.32% $71
  Japan $13.508 0.23% 97
  United Kingdom $4.501 0.32% $78
  United States $9.955 0.10% $38

Sources: The Development Assistance Committee of the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development is on-line here. Statistics on official development assistance and international comparisons are from the Statistical Annex of the 2002 Development Co-Operation Report; see here. Other OECD resources useful for this article include the Development Co-operation Review of the United States. Information on the Millennium Challenge Account is on-line here, and the Bush Administration's National Security Strategy of the United States of America (September 2002) is on-line here. USAID is on-line here; budget information comes from the Budget Justification for FY 2003, on-line here. The Program on International Policy Attitudes (PIPA) report, "Americans on Foreign Aid and World Hunger" (February 2001), is on-line here. Carol Lancaster, Transforming Foreign Aid: United States Assistance in the 21st Century (Institute for International Economics, 2000).


Russia : Nuclear Weapons and the Threat of Proliferation (last updated May 15, 2002) (back to top)

When the Soviet Union collapsed in 1991, there were an estimated 30,000 nuclear warheads in the country, with about 6,000 of them in Ukraine, Belarus and Kazakstan. Since then, the United States has sought to reduce the Cold War nuclear threat through bilateral security treaties and through cooperative-threat reduction programs that dismantle nuclear weapons and prevent their proliferation.

In November 2001, Presidents George W. Bush and Vladimir Putin pledged to cut the U.S. and Russian stockpiles by roughly two-thirds over the next decade so that each side would have less than 2,200 warheads each. The two presidents then announced on May 13, 2002 that they would sign such an agreement on May 24. One complication to these negotiations had been the Bush administration's plans to develop a national missile defense system and to thus abandon the 1972 Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty (for more on missile defense, go here).

Prior efforts to reduce each side's nuclear arsenal since the Cold War's end were done through the START treaties. The START I treaty that was signed in 1991 required the parties to reduce their nuclear arms to 6,000 warheads on each side by December 2001, and all parties reportedly met this requirement. The START II treaty that as signed in 1993 required the reduction in warheads to about 3,500 warheads on each side, in two phases; this treaty was ratified by the United States in 1996 and by Russia in 2000 but never implemented.

Even with the continuing reduction of warhead arsenals, a new threat of loose nuclear weapons and accidents has risen dramatically. According to a February 2002 report by the CIA, Russian nuclear facilities have weak security and there have been a handful of reported incidents where weapons-grade nuclear material was stolen from such facilities over the last 10 years.

Another source of concern has been preventing Russian scientists and technology from spreading to countries such as Iran and North Korea which reportedly seek to develop nuclear weapons. In 1995, Russia agreed to finish the construction of a light-water nuclear reactor in southern Iran, though Russia did back away from building additional infrastructure that the United States said would enable Iran to accelerate its efforts to develop its own nuclear weapons (for more on the Iran reactor situation, go here).

On several non-military fronts, the United States has launched several programs to work with Russia to reduce the threat of nuclear weapons and material spreading beyond Russia's borders. The various programs, now numbering 30 programs with a total annual budget of about $800 million, address different aspects of Russia's nuclear situation, including the destruction of weapons, the securing of plutonium and highly enriched uranium, the shift of military scientists to civilian work, and the redevelopment of the ten nuclear cities that formed the backbone of Russia's nuclear complex.

The main program is the Department of Energy's Cooperative Threat-Reduction Program, which began in 1992 and is popularly known as the Nunn-Lugar program after its founding senators. Through a variety of projects, this program focuses on destroying vehicles for delivering nuclear weapons and on securing former nuclear weapons and components.

Other programs, some of which are funded through Nunn-Lugar, include:

  • A plan to build facilities in Russia and the United States that could allow each country to destroy 34 tons of stored plutonium each. The plan, as currently structured, would cost Russia at least $2.1 billion and the United States at least $6.5 billion.

  • The Materials Protection, Control, and Accountability (MPC&A) Program, launched by the Department of Energy in 1995, funds efforts under which US and Russian experts cooperate to install systems to insure that all of Russia's plutonium and highly enriched uranium is secure and accounted for. However, this program only has access to the relatively small amount of nuclear material not in Russia's nuclear weapons complex and thus is limited in overall scope.

  • The International Science and Technology Center in Moscow helps fund peaceful activities by Russian scientists. This program was begun in 1992 by the United States through its state and defense departments, the European Union and Japan.

  • The Initiatives for Proliferation Prevention, begun in 1994 and formerly known as the Industrial Partnership Program, uses Department of Energy experts to facilitates joint ventures between US companies and Russian technical institutes.

  • The Nuclear Cities Initiative, begun in 1998, helps create nonmilitary work for Russia's 122,000 nuclear scientists and helps Russia downsize these cities where a total of three-quarters of a million people live. Russia's nuclear cities are in economic shambles, and reports have surfaced of guards leaving their posts to forage for food and of smuggling operations. This program has been repeatedly scaled back due to the cost and Russia's reluctance to open the nuclear cities fully to outsiders.

A July 2001 review by the Bush administration may lead to changes in some of these programs. The review recommended continuing most of the programs and called for a shift in philosophy from "assistance to partnership" with Russia, but it also recommended the closing of the Nuclear Cities Initiative, with its "positive aspects" merged into other programs. It also called for a restructuring of the plan to build facilities to destroy plutonium.

Besides the CTR programs, another major effort to reduce Russian stockpiles is an agreement in which the United States promised to purchase 500 tons of Russian highly-enriched uranium from dismantled nuclear weapons over a 20-year period for use as fuel for civilian reactors. The initial agreement was signed in February 1993 and the formal contract in January 1994.

Experts call the HEU agreement a great program but have criticized the conflicting interests behind it; even though US security interests probably would be served best by buying the HEU immediately, the deal is structured to avoid flooding the commercial market and thus spreads purchases out over a 20-year period.

Sources: The CIA's February 2002 annual report to Congress on the safety and security of Russian nuclear facilities and military forces is on-line here. David E. Sanger, Bush and Putin agree to reduce stockpile of nuclear warheads, New York Times, November 14, 2001. Avoiding Nuclear Anarchy: containing the threat of loose Russian nuclear weapons and fissile material, by Graham T. Allison, Owen R. Cote, Jr., Richard A. Falkenrath, and Steven E. Miller (MIT Press 1996). Managing the Global Nuclear Materials Threat, a report of the CSIS Project on Global Nuclear Materials Management, chaired by Sam Nunn (Center for Strategic and International Studies, January 2000). Judith Miller with Michael R. Gordon, U.S. review on Russia urges keeping most arms controls, New York Times, July 16, 2001.


Debt Relief for Poorest Countries (last updated May 14, 2002) (back to top)

The high level of debt owed by the world's poorest countries is a serious constraint on their ability to pursue sustainable development and reduce poverty. Recognizing this problem, the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund launched in 1996 the Initiative for Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC), which seeks to help poor countries reduce debt and to use the resulting savings to reduce poverty. The HIPC Initiative was modified in 1999 to provide more debt relief to more countries faster.

As of March 2002, 26 countries (22 of them in Africa) had taken the economic reforms and poverty-reduction policies required by the enhanced HIPC Initiative and were receiving relief which would amount to about $40 billion over time, about half of their total debt. With this reduction in debt, the participating countries reportedly will spend 30 percent less on debt service than in the late 1990s and will now spend more on social services than debt service.

According to an April 2002 status report, on average, the 26 participating countries will now spend more than three times on social sectors than they did on debt service in the same period. Social spending as a share of government revenue on average will increase from 37 percent before HIPC relief to 55 percent after HIPC relief.

Some, such as Bono of the rock group U2, have urged the international community to go even further and completely cancel the debt of poor countries, which would free up more of the countries' scarce money even faster. Critics of this idea, such as the IMF and the World Bank, have responded that the HIPC Initiative is already freeing up resources, while also implementing broad, necessary reforms and keeping creditors and the international community involved.

The HIPC Initiative operates in two stages. First, a poor country seeking to participate must work with the World Bank and the IMF to implement economic reforms and poverty-reduction strategies. If the country still faces an unsustainable debt burden at the "decision point" which marks the end of this phase, then it will qualify for assistance. During this first phase, countries are still eligible for traditional assistance and debt relief from donors, multilateral institutions, and bilateral creditors such as the Paris Club.

Once a country has passed its decision point, it must continue to implement reforms. During this second phase, bilateral and commercial creditors are expected to reschedule obligations coming due, with a 90 percent reduction in net present value. When a country implements pre-agreed key reforms, a moment called the "floating completion point," the country receives the bulk of HIPC relief.

As of March 2002, 22 countries had reached their decision points and were receiving some HIPC relief. Four countries (Bolivia, Mozambique, Tanzania, and Uganda) had reached their completion points.

Sources: The World Bank has information on the HIPC Initiative here, and the International Monetary Fund has information here. A March 2002 factsheet on what has been achieved thus far is available on-line here, and the Status of Implementation report dated April 12, 2002 is available on both sites. A July 2001 response by the IMF and World Bank to the total-debt-cancellation idea is on-line here.


Fast track authority (last updated August 2, 2002) (back to top)

From 1974 to 1994, the President had "fast-track authority" to make international agreements recipriocally reducing United States' barriers against foreign trade; Congress agreed to limit its oversight powers over such agreements and to follow expedited procedures that would set mandatory deadlines, allow no modifications, and limit debate.

Fast-track authority, sometimes called "trade-promotion authority," lapsed in 1994 and was not renewed or extended for eight years. Both Bill Clinton and George W. Bush have called the power essential to opening markets for the United States and reassuring trading partners that negotiated agreements would not be modified subsequently, and Bush finally won Congressional approval for renewal during the summer of 2002.

Nevertheless, trade agreements can still be and often are negotiated and implemented without fast-track authority. Fast track was invoked only five times in the 20 years that presidents had such authority, and Congress has implemented at least six trade agreements since 1999, even without fast-track. The five times that fast-track authority has been invoked are:

  • 1979: Tokyo Round GATT Agreements
  • 1985: U.S.-Israel free-trade agreement
  • 1988: U.S.-Canada free-trade agreement
  • 1993: North American Free Trade Agreements (NAFTA)
  • 1994: Uruguay Round WTO Agreements
Those opposing the renewal of fast-track authority say that fast-track authority legislation does not provide sufficient protection for labor and the environment, and that increased trade with countries with lower labor and environmental standards will pressure the U.S. into lowering its standards. Advocates want labor and environmental concerns to be given higher priority as trade objectives, to be included in the main body of trade agreements rather than in side agreements, and to have stronger enforcement mechanisms.

Some have also linked passage of new free-trade authority with expanded trade-assistance adjustment programs that help workers who are laid off as a result of increased imports. Such programs have existed since 1974.

Under the Constitution, the president technically has the power to negotiate and enter into agreements with other countries. However, the president cannot impose duties or change U.S. laws as a result of such agreements without Congressional approval, unless Congress delegates that authority. In 1934, Congress authorized the president to negotiate reciprocal reductions of tariffs and to implement such reductions without Congress's passing implementing legislation. As such tariff barriers declined in importance, trade negotiations focused on nontariff issues, and President Richard Nixon in the early 1970s asked for Congress to delegate similar authority to implement nontariff adjustments. The Senate rejected such a proposal but instead agreed to establish fast-track authority.

Sources: Lenore Sek, Congressional Research Services' brief on fast-track authority for trade agreements, IHB10084 (May 14, 2002), on-line here. Lael Brainard and Hal Shapiro, Fast Track Trade Promotion Authority, Brookings Institute policy brief #91 (December 2001), on-line here. The Bush administration's discussion of trade-promotion authority is on-line here, and the Clinton White House's proposal for fast-track is on-line here. Public Citizen opposes extension of fast-track authority and is on-line here.


U.S. arms sales to other countries (last updated April 7, 2002) (back to top)

The United States sells arms to many countries around the world, but Saudi Arabia is by far the biggest customer. From FY 1991 to 2000, Saudi Arabia bought about $30 billion worth of military arms, including aircraft, defense weaponry such as Patriot and Hawk missiles, and armored vehicles. Taiwan was a distant second with about $12 billion over the same period, followed by Egypt, Turkey, Israel, South Korea and Japan.

For more on arms sales to Saudi Arabia and the Middle East, go here. For more on arms sales to Taiwan and the effects on the Taiwan Strait situation, go here.

Sources: The Department of Defense's Defense Security Cooperation Agency, Facts Book 2000, is on-line here and a summary is on-line here.


Refugee and asylum overview (world and United States) (last updated October 2001) (back to top)

Refugee and asylum policies are concerned with allowing immigration for humanitarian and political reasons, largely to protect people from persecution, and differ in where the applicants are: refugees are outside the country and brought in, whereas asylees come to the United States seeking such protection after they arrive. By contrast, immigration policy, at least in the United States, is usually based on economic, family-reunification, and political concerns.

Worldwide, there are about 20 million people each year who are "of concern" (1 out of every 269 people worldwide, or 0.3 percent of the world population) to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, the international agency charged with helping refugees, asylum-seekers, and people who have been displaced from their homes for fear of persecution.

Of the 22.3 million people of concern to the UNHCR in 1999, 11.7 million were refugees. About 2.5 million people were refugees who were returning to their countries of origin, 1.2 million were seeking asylum in another country, 6.9 million were considered "internally displaced persons" and other people who had moved somehow but did not fit into the other categories.

For several years now, war-torn Afghanistan has stood clearly as a country with the most severe population movements. In 1999, Afghani refugees numbered 2.6 million of the 11.7 million refugees (about 22 percent), which was about five times that of the next largest group, Iraqi refugees. Moving beyond refugees alone, other countries with large populations who are of concern to the UNHCR are the former Yugoslavia, East Timor, Sri Lanka, and the former Soviet Union.

United States policy towards refugees has been to bring roughly around 80,000 to 100,000 refugees into the country a year (in fiscal year 2001, that year's 80,000 spots were allocated with 25% to Africa, 25% to Eastern Europe, 21% to the former Soviet Union, 12.5% to Near East/South Asia, 7.5% to East Asia, 4% to Latin America, and the remainder as needed). Allotment of refugee openings is based on geographical region, with the former Soviet Union, the former Yugoslavia, and Vietnam providing the most refugees in 1998.

The United States also grants asylum to roughly 15,000 people already in the country each year. Asylum grantees are determined on a more individual case basis, and the distribution by country of origin can vary widely from year to year. In 1997, Iraqis comprised the largest group of people being granted asylum, but people from Nicaragua were the largest in 1998.

For more on migration issues, go here.

Sources: United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, Refugees by Numbers 2001 and 2000 editions, available on-line here). 1998 Statistical Yearbook of the Immigration and Naturalization Service (available on-line here).


Prostitution and trafficking (last updated January 24, 2002) (back to top)

An estimated 50,000 women and children are brought into the United States each year against their will for the sex industry, sweatshop labor, domestic servitude, and agricultural work. This is just a small portion of the extent of trafficking of women and children worldwide, as estimated by organizations including the Central Intelligence Agency, which estimates that about 700,000 to two million women and children are trafficked each year.

According to a November 1999 analysis by Amy Richard of the State Department, about 700,000 to two million women and children are trafficked globally each year, with about 50,000 (about 7 percent) trafficked into the United States (30,000 from Southeast Asia, 10,000 from Latin America, 4,000 from the former Soviet Union, and 1,000 from other operations). The average age of the trafficking victim is 20.

The United States and the international community has addressed the problem of the involuntary transportation of women as trafficking since the beginning of the 20th century. In the early 20th century, 12 countries, including the United States, ratified the International Agreement for the Suppression of the White Slave Trade, which urged governments to prohibit "procuration of women and girls for immoral purposes abroad," and the United States thus passed the 1910 Mann Act, which forbids such transportation. In the mid-20th century, 49 nations ratified the UN's 1949 Convention for the Suppression of the Traffic in Persons and of the Exploitation of the Prostitution of Others.

In November 2000, the United Nations promulgated a protocol specifically defining "trafficking in persons" for the first time and calling for measures against global trafficking such as providing victim protection and implementing law enforcement measures against traffickers (the Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children, supplementing the United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime, otherwise known as the "Protocol on Trafficking in Persons"). Neither the convention nor the protocol are yet in force. The United States joined 80 other countries in signing this protocol in December 2000 but has not yet ratified it. The protocol was criticized by some in the United States as legalizing prostitution, though the protocol clearly stated that it did not weaken existing laws within each signing country and simply recognized that some countries had laws allowing for some kinds of prostitution.

Whether or not the United States ratifies the UN protocol, it has strengthened its own anti-trafficking laws and enforcement in recent years. In 1998, the Justice Department established the Worker Exploitation Task Force, which coordinated prosecution of traffickers. Among other things, the task force has secured convictions in cases such as US v Cadena (1998), in which about 25-40 Mexican girls and women as young as 14 were forced to work as prostitutes and sex slaves in Florida and the Carolinas, and US v Kwon (1998), in which Chinese and Korean women were offered waitressing jobs but then forced to work at karaoke clubs where they submitted to customers' sexual demands.

One problem faced by prosecutors was the lack of strong laws that could deter trafficking, including an involuntary servitude law that the Supreme Court said did not cover some trafficking situations. Enacted in October 2000, the Violence Against Women Act of 2000 (PL 106-386) created a new crime of forced labor that captures slavery-like practices, criminalized trafficking, and increased penalties for such crimes. It also required the Secretary of State to report each year on the extent of trafficking and anti-trafficking efforts, and increased

Sources: Many resources are available via the Protection Project, on-line here. Amy O'Neill Richard, International Trafficking in Women to the United States: A contemporary manifestation of slavery and organized crime (Center for the Study of Intelligence, November 1999), available via the Central Intelligence Agency here. The State Department's first annual trafficking in persons report is available here, and a February 2001 fact sheet on anti-trafficking efforts is available here. Testimony of Ralph F. Boyd, assistant attorney general for civil rights, "Implementation of the Trafficking Victims Protection Act," November 29, 2001, before the House of Representatives' Committee on International Relations, available here. The Sex Trade: Trafficking of Women and Children in Europe and the United States, a hearing before the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe (Government Printing Office, June 28, 1999). International Trafficking in Women and Children, a hearing before the Senate's Subcommittee on Near Eastern and South Asian Affairs (Government Printing Office, February 22 and April 4, 2000). Information on the anti-trafficking protocol can be found here and through the United Nations, on-line here. A summary of the Violence Against Women Act of 2000 is available here.


Child Labor in Developing Countries (last updated November 21, 2001) (back to top)

Statistics on child labor in developing countries are hard to come by, as the practice is often illegal and secret. Even so, surveys by the International Labour Office's International Programme on the Elimination of Child Labour (IPEC) have determined that there were about 250 million children aged 5-14 years old employed in economic activity in developing countries as of 1998, or about 20 percent of the total child population of the same age and region. About 120 million worked full-time.

According to the IPEC, child labor is most concentrated in absolute terms in Asia, which is the most densely populated region and has about 61 percent of the world's working child population. However, Africa has the highest rate of child workers, where two out of every five children aged 5-14 (41.4 percent) work; one out of every five children (21.5 percent) work in Asia.

Surveys show that child labor runs the gamut of economic activity, from industry and mining to prostitution. But the IPEC reports that, based on surveys in 26 countries, most children work in agricultural occupations (70.4 percent), followed by manufacturing (8.3 percent), trade and restaurant/hotel jobs (8.3 percent), and community social and personal services (6.5 percent).

Several ILO conventions have guided international efforts against child labor, with two having particular relevance today. The Minimum Age Convention No. 138, passed in 1973 and ratified by more than 104 states since then, requires member countries to set a minimum work age of 15 years, with some exemptions.

The Worst Forms of Child Labour Convention No. 182, passed in 1999 and ratified by more than 113 states since then, requires member countries to implement programs to eliminate the use of children in slavery, prostitution, pornography, drug trafficking, and "work which, by its nature or the circumstances in which it is carried out, is likely to harm the health, safety or morals of children."

For more on child labor, go here.

Sources: The International Labour Office is available on-line here. The ILO's International Programme on the Elimination of Child Labour has statistical reports compiled here; I relied on a report by Kehebew Ashagrie, "Statistics on Working Children and Hazardous Child Labour in Brief" (revised 1998), available here. IPEC's annual report, Action Against Child Labour 2000-01: Progress and Future Priorities is also available on-line.

 

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